Which political party would fix and save USA?

Why do people in USA are so capitalists and vote for capitalist parties?

Do you think that USA might be socialist after Obama fucks up US economy?

Monday, May 27, 2013

WATCH THIS FULL MOVIE ZEITGEIST AND READ THE REVIEWS ABOUT HOW THE CAPITALIST RULING CLASS RULES THE PIECES OF SHITS, THE ZOMBIES WE SEE EVERY DAY IN THE STREETS, AND HOW AMERICANS ARE TURNING INTO ANIMALS, INTO SUB-HUMAN SLAVES


This is the first in a trilogy. The second film, "Zeitgeist: Addendum" was released about a year after this film, and focuses solely on the financial system. The third film (unreleased at the time of this review) is scheduled for release in January of 2011, entitled "Zeitgeist: Moving Forward". The culmination of the arguments put forward by these films have resulted in a community of semi-activists known as "The Zeitgeist Movement" which can easily be found via google.

If you are reading this review, then you're likely judging whether you should purchase this DVD or not. Let me put it plainly and tell you, no you should not buy this DVD. Why? Well, 2 reasons.

First, this film and the other two films are widely available for free online, as was the intention of the creator of the films (Peter Joseph). The films were never intended to be sold or generate any profits for the filmmaker, and hence you should hold on to your money and simply watch the film for free online ([...]).

Second reason, and perhaps more importantly, is that this first movie is really more like the first baby-steps in the origins of The Zeitgeist Movement [TZM]. This first film creates the impression that people who are members of TZM are anti-religious, and/or 9/11 conspiracy theorists... neither of which are true. The ultimate purpose of these films now is to present the argument that the financial sectors of the world and the monetary systems used by them are inherently destructive AND ultimately unsustainable. This argument is presented much more completely in the second film (Zeitgeist: Addendum).

At this time I can't comment on exactly what the third film covers (maybe I'll come back and edit this review in a few months) but my understanding is that it will present a possible solution as proposed by members of TZM.

This first film, while very interesting, should be approached critically (as any film that poses any arguments, always should be). There are some good points, a few subjective opinions, and a few areas that are still hotly debated and thus far from conclusive.

Basically, this first film is a good watch, but I strongly suggest before attacking the arguments made by Peter Joseph that watch his 2nd film, "Zeitgeist: Addendum".

Truth is found when one chooses to exercise responsibility for their own life.

THE PRODUCER:
Peter Joseph is not presenting any original concepts in this movie. Far from being propaganda, the movie is inspiring as a documentary that attempts to reveal a wealth of misinformation falsely promoted to society for as the basis of our belief systems that we use to make life decisions.

The only original thing in this movie is how the information is presented. Does that mean that Peter Joseph's is correct in all he states; probably not. But there is more truth and accuracy to what he says than what is reported by the Media, Educational and Governmental institutions of our country. Does this make him a conspiracy nut? Perhaps to those that have never questioned whether the story is true.

Part I: Christianity
From the perspective of Zeitgeist, the producer, Peter Joseph, correctly pointed out that Christianity replicates many of the same religious characteristics of Paganism. Jesus was a Jew; there was no immaculate conception in Judaism, nor was there any concept of having an intermediary to go to God.

Further, December 25th, the Immaculate Conception, the resurrection, the 12 disciples, and most of the miracles attributed to Christ are all traits of pagan traditions and Gods that long predated Christianity and have no Judaic roots.

If I am to believe Christianity, than I am must be given to the idea that Jesus the Jew suddenly turned tail on his religion and said I think the Pagan traditions are right let's incorporate those into a new religion called Christianity. NO! Jesus died a Jew at 33 years old and was likely killed with the full knowledge of the Jews who despised his teachings as a threat to their belief system and definitely killed by the Romans as a threat.

Christianity (the Bible) was made from a blend of Jesus' teachings, pagan traditions and politically motivated re-writes of his life by the council of Nicaea. There are no historical documents anywhere that record miracle healings, feeding thousand with 5 loaves and 2 fish, raising the dead, walking on water, Immaculate Conception, rising from the dead and the like DURING the life of Christ. However, there are plenty of doctrines that existed DURING the life of Christ that record lots of other Gods doing these very same things BEFORE Christ! I believe those accounts as much as I believe the Biblical accounts. Those writings don't exist DURING his lifetime because those events probably never happened. Which if it had, would have certainly been recorded during his lifetime. That is why posthumous historical documents are cited as proof, because these types of writings are the only basis for the Christian belief system.

If you were born in Iraq you would likely be a Moslem, in India likely a Hindu, in Israel a Jew. Most Americans would laugh at those religious traditions as ridiculous and fantasy. But being raised as a Christian there is no problem with walking on Water and being resurrected from the dead etc. After all, it says so in the Bible! Circular thinking, it is written in the book therefore it is true. How do you know it is true? Because it is written in the book!

Part II: 9/11
How can one argue that the government wasn't involved in 9/11 but took advantage of it? That is like a defendant saying I knew the money was stolen when I accepted it but I didn't steal it. The CIA knew what was happening and probably aided the effort but, probable did not DIRECTLY plan it.

Think of all the constitutional rights that have been lost since then; through the Patriot Act, illegal war, wire tapping, the right to home invasion, the right to forced searching based on "terrorist" suspicion and far more. I scratch my head when I see a 400 page Patriot Act written and ready to go 1 week after 9/11. To an objective person that watches Congress take months to decide on anything, it appears that USAPA had already been created and was waiting for publication PRIOR to 9/11.

Domestic Security, Surveillance, Border Security and Money Laundering and still Bin Laden is free, Mexicans and other illegal's cross the border at will. Drug trade is alive and well. Airport security doesn't consider meet the most basic of basic security measures for Cargo transfer. What purpose does this bill serve? And why does it have more impact on my taxpaying, surveillanced, American life?

In a cave or in a village, Bin Laden needs and gets dialysis. Americans are patted down, recorded at every stop sign/convenience store/ shopping plaza/place of employment/any other public place, monitored with the money they spend, health records traced and more ironic than anything asked to sign Privacy Notices when seeking treatment that simply gives permission to their providers to do what they want with the information with no repercussion.

Misinformation, missing information and lies; Zeitgeist does a wonderful job replaying how every national reporter heard loud explosions and believed that the WTC buildings were professionally demolished. Then, one day later, you never hear them mention it ever again, never! Is it just strange coincidence that every major network stopped reporting these two things in unison the very next day? No way! They were instructed/told to/demanded to not to say it!

In fact, even though every reporter stated on 9/11 that the WTCs collapses looked identical to professional demolition and that there were explosions in the buildings (which always precede an implosion) , demolition is never even considered by the Government as a plausible explanation or even as part of the "investigation". Of which there was none anyway! Not until the widows and families that lost loved ones demanded that the government completed one. Yes, that's right a 400 page anti-terror legislation document produced 1 week after 9/11 but no investigation into how it happened and no interest in who funded the terrorists.

M.I.T. sponsored a talk by the "Architects and Engineers for 9 11 truth". These men, who are structural steel engineers with many years of combined Architectural experience, refute the 9-11 Commission's findings that the buildings fell by fire. Are these men conspiracy nuts too? They travel the country giving lectures about the inner workings of a buildings structures and how buildings collapse given different sets of circumstances. They show how a building that collapses by fire falls and then how a collapse by demolition looks. Their conclusion, the WTC collapses all fit the demolition pattern exactly.

It does not take a lot of insight and simple observation to conclude that any one of the 9/11 events have an extremely low probability of happening on any ONE day; NORAD standing down, 19 uneducated me with box cutter hijacking planes, no warning given of terrorist attacks, Cheney in the NORAD bunker during the whole event, vaporized jet engines, 100+ story buildings collapsing at free fall speed due to fires. That they all happened the same day within hours of each other is impossible. Unless of course you choose to believe that people wearing towels on their heads and believe in 30 virgins are something less than men who believe in Christ walking on water and feeding thousands with 2 fish. Than these mysterious beings are easily capable of making this all happen.

One must draw their own conclusions as there is no report from the CIA stating that they planned or assisted this event even if the evidence clearly points in the direction of cover up and a government trying to dismiss logic in favor of fear. Hell fire, brimstone and terrorists!

Part III: The Federal Reserve
Year 2010, the housing bubble has burst, the Fed could not see the coming collapse, large banks have collapsed, the largest government agencies are insolvent and trillions of dollars in debt, the US economy cannot sustain itself, the US consumer is unable to sustain the economy, real unemployment is at 18% and the Federal Reserve has printed $3 trillion as part of their mandate to help "stabilize the value of the dollar" and "maintain a comfortable level of inflation". Err, what was that? A stable dollar and comfortable inflation?

Housing prices that grew at an annualized 30% rate for 4 years was considered a "comfortable" level of inflation and "stabilizing"? The value of the dollar has declined by 98% since 1913, which seems equally acceptable to the men that call for a "Strong dollar policy". Homes, gas, food, insurance, education and clothing have all continued higher in price every single year and inflation is not at a "comfortably" high enough level and so the Fed is printing more money to "stabilize the value of the dollar"! Even more unbelievable, most, if not all of this money went to the very same institutions that created the problem in the first place. Are these statements made to idiots? Or to people that are stated to be "not able to understand the intricacies of the Financial Systems workings"?

Is the "comfortable level of inflation" comment directed to me or you? Or is there another interested party that is involved in wanting asset inflation through a devalued dollar? What kind of business determines their current net worth and future ability to earn profits solely based on the value of the assets listed on their balance sheet? Let me think, I got it! Banks! And who runs the Federal Reserve System? Bankers! Now it makes sense to me, this message is for bankers!

Need a clearer picture of the corruption called the Federal Reserve, start with this. The Federal Reserve controls the US money supply and is a group of private bankers that are not responsible to a political party or directly to any Americans, they are not at all Federal but included this in their name to give the impression that they are governmental, they have the ability to make any decision with the American credit system they choose, came into existence in 1913 by a legislative act that they wrote, and have since amended a number of times since it became law, and is governed by a group of bankers whose strongest influence is the largest cabal of banks in the world. Who watches over the Federal Reserves transactions and business dealings? The Federal Reserve!

Clearly the founding fathers, who were adamantly against Central banking, understood the dangers of such a system.

Does this mean International bankers rule the world and desire control over everyone? Well, if the Federal Reserve is an "American" institution and they have managed to transfer 90% of America's wealth to 1% of the Americans and devalued the dollar by 98% since 1913, then why are the World Bank and IMF, which are the International versions of the Federal Reserve, any different? The principles are the same. Loan money (a.k.a. create debt) at interest and when it cannot be repaid accept ownership in the country in return; ala wealth transfer. Since the money that is loaned is nothing more than paper that is decreed legal tender by law, they get something for nothing. Legal tender ensures everyone is FORCED into using it. When money becomes tracked by a chip in your body or an RFID card, anything you do that is not approved will allow the powers to be to shut off your access to your money! Now that is control!

Wealth is power. It is not hard to conclude that the banks are transferring control of the world to themselves and continually take "legal" actions in the form of legislation and special interest lobbies to ensure that the process continues. International bankers ruling the world does not sound like the conclusion of a conspiratorial nutcase, in fact, I would argue those that refusal to see it that way makes the non-believers the real nutcases.

Those that control the money system make the laws to work in their favor. When events don't turn out as planned by this group, taxpayers get the bill via money printing in the form of Bonds, which is debt, that becomes the financial obligation of the citizens of the country where it is printed. Given the competitive devaluation of global currencies, it appears the world is becoming responsible for a whole lot of printed money and wage/tax slavery to feed the rich is now the norm.

Privatizing profits and socializing losses.

For more information about the Federal Reserve and their history of "Financial Stability" read the "Creature from Jekyll Island"; the truth is contained in those pages.

SUMMARY:
Like religion, those given to being told the truth, rather than seeing and learning the truth are likely to be captives of the story tellers and have neither truth nor Freedom. With free will comes responsibility. You can accept the spoon feeding of stories and go back to bed or be responsible for using your god given powers of reason and logic to understand the world you live in. One way may seem/feel easier than the other, but as more of your tax money goes to Government deficit spending, how many hours of your life's work and personal wealth are you willing to give away before being convinced that there is a clear choice.

Being raised by a government sponsored vision of freedom is not freedom at all. As Ben Franklin wrote; those who are willing to forego a little freedom to have more security deserve neither and will lose both. It's your decision!

This documentary further solidified my own personal religious belief of Humanism: a progressive philosophy of life that, without theism and other supernatural beliefs, affirms our ability and responsibility to lead ethical lives of personal fulfillment that aspire to the greater good of humanity. Religion is a man-made institution that proliferates intolerance and fuels violence and bloodshed. Overall an amazing documentary. Eye opening and life changing (for me). Watch it with an open mind and an open heart. Some things are hard to accept, but if you allow reason and logic to overpower traditional "wisdom" then you will be able to free yourself from you.

In 1970, Gil Scott-Heron wrote a poem/song called "The Revolution Will Not Be Televised" and it stands today not only as a strong statement, but one of the best political songs of our lifetime.

In this film, the Revolution is not only televised, but sold to you on DVD! If you are going into this film thinking its a movie with actors and special effects or something watered down...then you are wrong from out of the gate. This is not a movie, this is an EXPERIENCE. You watch this film and Ill be blunt honest with you, it is not a subject that many people can deal with viewing now or at all, but if you can...If you can find the courage to sit down and listen to what this documentary has to say, you just might come away learning at something new and how is that a bad thing?

There are critics of this type of documentary, but what those critics are missing is simply the point of the movie. When you watch Zeitgeist, you are watching a free flowing idea unfold in front of your eyes and wrap you up in a new experience learning and knowledge. Take the time out of your day, view this experience and realize that you just witness the start of a revolution that many people will be talking about for the near future.

I will start by saying many can not handle the truth and many can not accept the truth when its staring them right in the face. Some have their opinion about the Zeitgeist Series being inaccurate or it is simply built off conspiracies. I for one and many of my peers took it upon ourselves to research the information provided in these films and they can not be disputed. Facts can not be argued just opinions and some people mistaken their "opinions" for "facts". All in all this film is a great eye opener and forces you to think outside the box and to question everything( in which you should). Many have tried to prove Peter Joseph wrong.... and well they can't. Plain and simple. My review; short, sweet, honest and to the point. Don't forget to visit the official zeitgeist website... its worth the time... trust me.

Personally, I think this document is a comparatively well-done film. The only problem for those religious people to accept it is that they are wearing a judgmental veil over their own mind, and refuse to accept anything different from what they were trained in the past.
Here, my comments are mainly for the person named E. M. Hodge "Cuindless" whose comment is "Erroneous. Counterfactual. Illogical. Flawed". I think his/her comments itself is "Erroneous".
I was born and brought up in Asia, and studied Oriental Traditional Medicine, Asian philosophy and Asian religion in the past years all through my life. And when I read this person's comments that: "the earliest depictions of the zodiac do not have 12 signs." I found this comments are unfounded. Especially when this person mentioned that Early Japanese culture "only has 4 signs". Well, I have to say that this person is fundamentally wrong here. I wonder how much he/she knows about Ancient Japan or Ancient Asian culture at all. To make it easier to understand, there are many different calendar systems that were applied among all Asian region in the Ancient time (Lunar calendar, agricultural calendar and the calendar of the sun). And non of them are based on 4 signs!! And we do have 12 signs (which we also refer to as the 12 Earthly Branches); and besides this 12 Earthly Branches, we also have 10 Heavenly Stems. However, in practice the 12 Earthly Branches are used more widely in agriculture practice on a daily basis. And the calendar of the sun has 24 segments of periods all through the year, exactly can be paired up as 12 pairs that can be matched with the Western Zodiac 12 signs (both the beginning and ending dates are exactly the same). And this calendar is exactly the one that was widely practiced as a guidance for agriculture activities for over five thousand years all through Asia even until today. My comments for those people who make any easy judgement is to do more studies before you make any wrongful judgements.

READ THIS ARTICLE ABOUT HOW USA WOULD BE IF IT HAD A SOCIALIST SYSTEM



When America Goes Socialist
by Lee Smith

*The article above was written by Lee Smith of the Young Socialist Alliance. It first appeared in the November 1969 issue of Young Socialist magazine.
“In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, we shall have an association in which the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all.”   - Marx & Engels, The Communist Manifesto
Revolutionary socialists in the YSA foresee and understand the developing stages of the struggle for socialism, and, on the basis of a program embodying their understanding, they intervene to consciously organize each of these succeeding stages. Because capitalism, suffering from prolonged crisis on a world scale, cannot grant to working people many concessions they consider legitimate and even essential, the program of revolutionary socialism generally is a program for struggle around demands for these kinds of concessions – “transitional demands” which capitalism cannot satisfy, and which require, therefore, the taking of power by the working class in order to be realized.
While the formal program of revolutionary socialism does not embody a picture of what the future socialist society will look like, revolutionary socialists share a vision of that society, if only in its broad outlines. There is no reason to be concerned about the absence of precision on this question. We cannot know what the socialist generations will decide to do, but the general lines of development we are able to forecast give us confidence in the wisdom of these decisions.
What are these general lines of development that suggest themselves in the reality of today?
The Uprooting of Race Discrimination
In the immediate aftermath of the conquest of power, while the material basis for racism will have been smashed, and while we can safely assume that the heroic role played in the revolution by Afro-Americans and other third world peoples will have deeply shaken the racist ideas of many whites, some backward attitudes will persist for a brief time. During this period, we can expect forthright, decisive action by the revolutionary government to prevent the manifestation of race prejudice in any overt act of discrimination, as well as to rapidly remove existing inequalities in education, employment, housing and medical care. Many of the revolutionary leaders in the new government will be third world people. This will also be the time when Blacks, Chicanos, and other minorities will be able to decide whether they want to partition the socialist republic into separate states or join with whites in a singe, multinational revolutionary state. Whatever the decision each group makes, bonds of solidarity will displace mutual antagonisms as all sections advance toward communism and new generations are born into rationally and democratically planned economy of abundance.
The Family
The nuclear family will undoubtedly continue briefly after the overthrow of capitalism on a relatively broad scale. But even in this initial stage, we can predict drastic changes in the role of the family. Rapid development of a household industry, communal kitchens and dining rooms, free automated restaurants, free day care centers and free boarding schools will liberate women from the drudgery to which they are assigned under capitalism, allowing them to enter any field of work they choose, and making possible their active participation in politics on an equal footing with men. As with third world people, it is likely that many of the revolutionary leaders will be women.
Marriage will lose its legal sanctity. It is possible that legal (recorded) marriages and divorces could be handled by dropping a postcard in the mailbox. The prohibition against abortions will be scrapped and there will be free access to birth control for everyone beyond the age of puberty.
Over time, it is reasonable to expect that monogamous marriage and the nuclear family will wither away along with other institutions carried over from class society. Children in a socialist society will not “belong to” one set of biological parents, but will look upon all adults as their mothers and fathers. In turn, adults will view them as children of the whole community. During the years they require of extensive care, training and affection, the children will be raised by professionals who choose to specialize in such work.
Health and Medicine
The workers’ state established by the revolution can move immediately to abolish on a world scale the majority of suffering caused by disease. This is so because the problem under capitalism is not in most cases that there is no known treatment or means of prevention, but instead that it is not profitably to make these available to the poverty-ridden victims. Beyond the abolition of diseases for which the cure is already known, vast resources and energy freed by the elimination of waste and military spending will make possible conquest of diseases for which the cure is not yet known. The overwhelming emphasis of medicine will shift from treatment to the prevention of disease and the maintenance of good health. The mystique of American medicine which leads many doctors today to believe they rank somewhere above mortals and below the angels will disappear as more medical schools, training centers, clinics and hospitals are built, and as tens of thousands of revolutionary youth sweep past the ruins of arbitrary limits on the number of doctors to embark on medical careers.
Medical care will be one of the first things made free to all by the revolution.
Housing and Transportation
A major campaign of the victorious American revolution will be a crash program to provide every member of the society with a decent place to live. This will mean the construction of millions of light, clean, modern apartments to replace the decaying, squalid, pest-infested living quarters of people in cities all over the U.S. Along with housing, socialism will provide free, safe and efficient mass transportation systems to reduce reliance on automobiles.
Reclamation and Conservation
The garbage the capitalists have dumped into the oceans, rivers, earth and atmosphere will pose a challenging problem to socialist science. We may suppose that great attention will be devoted to restoring and maintaining ecological balance. In line with this, there will undoubtedly be imaginative experimentation designed to find the most desirable combination of features from the rural and urban environments for human habitation.
Police and Prisons
Capitalist police, along with the whole capitalist state apparatus, will be smashed by the revolution. Workers’ councils will exercise police power through a workers’ militia so long as the exercise of police power remains necessary. Once the counterrevolution has been solidly defeated, capital punishment will be abolished forever. The horrible prisons existing under capitalism, while they may be used temporarily for those who oppose the revolution by force, will begin to be replaced immediately with rehabilitation programs that allow most law violators to remain at home during their sentence or at pleasant reform camps staffed by skilled psychologists and social workers. At these camps or resorts, prisoners will have privacy in their quarters and be allowed regular visits by their wives and husbands. They will have opportunity for education, recreation and productive work at the going wage. All those serving time when the revolution comes to power will have their cases reviewed and be released or reassigned to a resort (The wardens and guards of capitalist prisons may be among the first assigned to these reform resorts.)
The capitalist courts will be junked in favor of workers’ tribunals which will act according to a new and simplified code of social justice. Bourgeois law books will be sent to the museum.
Eventually, even this softened coercive apparatus will be allowed to wither away, as the concept of crime recedes into the past.
Education
Socialist schools will be radically different from the regimented, authoritarian schools we see in capitalist society today. Students and faculty will jointly administer the schools, just as they will participate in the government of society as a whole through their elected deputies to the soviets or councils that will administer the state and economy. Along with an immediate and continuing upgrading in the range and quality of course material, we can project more free time for students all the way down to elementary level for self-study of topics they wish to pursue, more boarding schools, more freedom for students to travel from one geographic area to another. Of course, there will be free access to education all the way to the postgraduate level.
In addition, there will very likely be special programs conducted for everyone – to teach languages for example, an area of backwardness in this country that will need to be remedied in an internationalist society.
The Military
A precondition for the victory of the revolution will be the revolutionary temper of the men in the armed forces; the revolutionary reorganization of the army, navy and air forces will be part of the actual process of the revolution. Once power is secured, the new state may want to maintain at least part of these mighty forces under arms long enough to discourage resistance by the ruling classes in other nations to the revolutions that will occur there in the wake of the American success. After that the socialist societies of the world can begin dismantling their military operations together, and begin looking for means to dispose of the heinous chemical-biological-nuclear weapons stockpiled by imperialism.
Production and Distribution
The revolution, in coming to power, will nationalize the major means of production and exchange, bringing into existence a new mode of production, based on social ownership of the means of production and collective appropriation of the social surplus product. While workers will continue to be paid wages in money to exchange for commodities during a long initial period, a socialist mode of distribution will eventually replace the old method as abundance overtakes scarcity and automation and cybernation eliminate human labor from the sphere of production. It is entirely realistic to speculate that, within a century after the insurrection, money and commodity production will have withered away as absurdities in an economy requiring no human labor and producing more than enough to satisfy the needs of everyone.
Long before this happens, workers will have ceased to have to pay individually for rent, food, medical care or transportation. The length of the work week will be sharply reduced immediately and very soon after that cut in half. The management of shops and factories will be in the hands of those who work there. Again, more than administering their own workplace, these workers will also participate in the administration of the whole economy and society through their elected delegates.
Socialist Man and Socialist Woman
The kind of men and women socialized in a society free from material scarcity and the need to labor as a condition for survival will be like those written about by Maxim Gorky in Mother: “There will come a time, I know, when people will take delight in one another, when each will be a star to the other, and when each will listen to his fellow as to music. The free men will walk upon the earth, men great in their freedom. They will walk with open hearts, and the heart of each will be pure of envy and greed, and therefore all mankind will be without malice, and there will be nothing to divorce the heart from reason. Then life will be one great service to man! His figure will be raised to lofty heights – for to free men all heights are attainable. Then we shall live in truth and freedom and in beauty, and those will be accounted best who will the more widely embrace the world with their hearts, and whose love of it will be the profoundest; those will be the best who will be the freest; for in them is the greatest beauty. Then will life be great, and the people will be great who live that life.”
The First Step
The kind of freedom Gorky wrote about will only be possible in a society like the one sketched above. It is impossible under capitalism. Freedom under capitalism consists of consciously recognizing the necessity for socialism and dedicating you life to its achievement. In embracing that freedom, you help the entire family of mankind take the first step from capitalism to communism. You 

Monday, February 11, 2013

ON THE BRITISH WORKERS REVOLUTIONARY PARTY (WRP)'S CALL FOR A CONFERENCE CALL TO DISCUSS THE CRISIS OF TROTSKYISM

On the WRP’s Call for a Conference to Discuss the Crisis of “Trotskyism”

Re-Create the Fourth International!

The British Workers’ Revolutionary Party (WRP) issued a call in January addressed to “all Trotskyists” for an International Conference later this year to take up the “urgent task of re-organisation of the Fourth International.”
The inspiration for this call comes from the rising tide of working-class struggle from South Africa to Central America, in the Stalinist bloc and Western Europe. Workers are demanding, through their actions, a revolutionary leadership counterposed to the middle-class nationalists and opportunists they are saddled with. They are by no means yet conscious of what they seek, but the political significance of the growing upheaval is clear to Marxists.
On the other hand, the various centrist leaders calling themselves Trotskyist have rotten and bloody records in responding to the need for revolutionary intransigence. Gerry Healy capitulated to the obscurantist politics of Khomeini and Qaddafi. The British affiliates of Ernest Mandel are indistinguishable from Tony Benn and other national chauvinists in the Labour Party; their United Secretariat, the most prominent pretender to the heritage of the Fourth International, advocates class collaboration in the popular fronts in Nicaragua and El Salvador as the path to social revolution. The influential Militant group does the same for South Africa.
Moreover, the “Trotskyist” label has been affixed to people who “understood” Ho Chi Minh’s need to murder the Vietnamese Trotskyists; it still is claimed by those who backed Jaruzelski’s counterrevolution against the Polish workers. Practically the entire milieu accepted Pol Pot’s Cambodia as a workers’ state. Some now refuse to give unconditional military support to nationalist fighters against imperialist in Lebanon, Ireland and elsewhere. The figure of Leon Trotsky, who fought tenaciously against all forms of corruption in the working-class movement, has been mummified by idolaters with blood on their hands.
Trotsky never ceased to maintain that the crisis of this whole epoch of capitalist decay could be summed up as the crisis of proletarian leadership. That is why the organizational and political independence of the revolutionary party was the first principle of the International Left Opposition. It is based on the irreconcilability of the class struggle under capitalism. All the pervasive issues – opposition to imperialism, socialist revolution instead of stagism, internationalism rather than nationalism, proletarian independence as opposed to class collaboration – are embodied in the independence of the vanguard party.
The history of those who claim to speak as Trotsky’s “orthodox” successors proves how right he was. The bitter irony is that calls to revive the Fourth International are being addressed by and to the very organizations whose theory and practice have been responsible for disorganizing and destroying it.
Nevertheless, some elements are questioning fundamentals and seeking a new road, recognizing the demands placed on them by the level of struggle. That is an important development. In our previous issue we analyzed the explosion that took place in 1985 inside the WRP and its international affiliates, formerly led by the notorious bureaucrat and charlatan Gerry Healy. We wrote:
As the bulk of the middle-class and labor-aristocratic left is pulled rightward, loyalty to the proletariat pulls other sections to the left. No wonder that in the wake of the British miners’ strike, as a consequence of both its proletarian potential and its bureaucratic betrayal, a few gusts of wind blew Healy’s little empire to shreds.
We also noted that the surviving WRP embodied “the most promising political ferment” within the debris of Healyism. In fact, the WRP itself recognizes that the workers’ struggle is responsible for both its own internal crisis and for the disarray in which the various self-styled Trotskyist groups find themselves. Further, it asserts that the reviving struggle contains the seeds of a rebirth of the revolutionary leadership the proletariat desperately needs. It is on this basis that the WRP issued its conference call.
The WRP is not the only tendency moved to act. Many organizations around the world have committed themselves to discussion; some already have regroupment strategies. Few have gone as far the WRP’s insistence on a re-examination of fundamentals. Given these groups’ treacherous history, unless a fearless re-examination is made they will provide only a path toward liquidationism rather than the necessary Bolshevik leadership. The very meaning of Trotskyism is at stake.

The End of the Fourth International

The Fourth International, founded by Trotsky on the eve of World War II, decayed in the 1940s and finally collapsed in the early 1950s. Its sections had unavoidably gone their separate ways during the World War. Despite acts of great heroism, some parties had made serious concessions to imperialist patriotism. And all lost their bearings when it came to the unexpected march of Stalinist revolutions across Eastern Europe. In 1948 the international leadership shamefully tailed after the dissident Stalinist Tito just before he capitulated to Western imperialism.
Marxist revolutionary optimism demands that communists not give up on gains achieved by the working class unless they have degenerated to the point of no return. By this method the end of the Fourth International as a revolutionary party came with the Bolivian revolution of 1952. Its section, the POR, was influential within the proletariat and had a chance to play a decisive role. Instead, with the International’s enthusiastic endorsement, it acted in classically Menshevik fashion, tailing the so-called “anti-imperialist” but even more anti-working class bourgeois nationalist party.
The Bolivian adaptation was intimately linked to the “deformed workers’ state” theory originated by the Fourth International’s chieftain, Michel Pablo. It held that counterrevolutionary petty-bourgeois forces like the Stalinists in Eastern Europe could carry out the socialist revolution and that “defense of the Soviet Union” was still on the order of the day. Trotsky observed that betrayal abroad always reflects class capitulation at home. Pablo’s deviation followed this pattern; it arose from accommodation to the popularity of post-war reformism in its Stalinist and social-democratic forms at home.
Pablo’s innovation also drew the organizational consequence: liquidation of Trotskyist cadre into the reformist and nationalist parties. This logic still hangs like a sword of Damocles over the future of every would-be Trotskyist defensist. Why not join the Stalinists if they are stronger than you and can make the revolution too?
Shortly after the Bolivian disaster the International shattered, as different strands sought different middle-class forces to adapt to – but all claimants had already abandoned in practice the fundamentals of Trotskyism. Since then there have been more fragmentations and correspondingly many blocs, regroupments and reorganizations (which then proceeded to re-split and re-merge) – all based on the denial of the centrality of the class-conscious proletariat for Marxism. With the gutting of the Fourth International and the break in revolutionary continuity from 1952 on, communists have no alternative but to fight under the banner of re-creating, not just reorganizing, the authentic world party of socialist revolution – the Fourth International.
How does the WRP proposal for reorganization fit into this picture? First of all, it is by no means clear that the WRP favors formal organizational steps in any immediate sense. The post-Healy WRP is an admittedly heterogenous group; the best elements within it may merely be seeking a clarifying discussion over vital questions that have been suppressed for so long. Other elements may want an inconclusive discussion so that they can merge with the more right-wing pseudo-Trotskyists inside the Labour Party who follow Mandel and Alan Thornett. Some may prefer the flirtations of the Latin American-centered Morenoite bloc. We are hardly close enough, politically or geographically, to judge. We can only approach the new international discussion with profound caution, given the history of unprincipled chicanery that has characterized post-war “Trotskyism” in general and Healyism in particular.

What is at Stake

We do not hide our objectives. Our disagreement with the entire “family of Trotskyists” is fundamental. Were this not the case we would grit our teeth and join in the moves to reorganize the existing splinters into one formation. Differences that are not those of class are secondary; to use them as an excuse for organizational separation is sectarian.
We are not alone in recognizing the seriousness of our differences. For many in the milieu, our unorthodox “statified capital” position on the “Russian question” and our consequent rejection of Soviet defensism are grounds for dismissal. But that is not even the heart of the matter. We have no more in common with the traditional (and to us Bukharinite) state-capitalists or new-class-societyists than we do with the orthodox workers’-statists. All surrender in theory the Marxist principle of the centrality of the conscious proletariat for socialist revolution. All abandon in practice the absolute independence of the proletarian international party from Stalinism, social democracy and petty-bourgeois nationalism. These are the fundamental questions from which the differences over Stalinism derive.
These issues convince us that the defensist and third-campist milieus are centrist. Centrism, however, is not etched in stone. Its ranks contain many subjective revolutionaries devoted to the achievement of a classless world – as well as the hardened cynics, habitual reformists and middle-class maneuverers. The post-World War II expansion of the middle class is collapsing along with the prosperity bubble that made it possible. Thus the material base for reformism is eroding. Under the current conditions of impasse at the top and upheaval below, centrism will inevitably polarize between the lieutenants of capital and the loyalists of the proletariat.
This is the perspective from which we assess the International Conference that we have been invited to attend. We will make every effort to intervene in the discussions now going on and in the conference itself. However, we declare ourselves to be observers rather than sponsors: we have no wish to present ourselves under false colors or to pretend that agreement exists where it doesn’t.

The WRP’s Call

In contrast to previous calls for international discussion and regroupment, the WRP recognizes that the desperate crisis of Trotskyism must be resolved, that they themselves have betrayed Marxist political as well as organizational norms, that fundamental questions have to be discussed anew. (In this they differ distinctly from the other discussants, even those enthusiastic about the proposed conference, who all act as though their politics are in fine shape.) The WRP’s document is also refreshingly free of the usual centrist sneers at “sectarians” for whom firmness of principle is still a Bolshevik virtue.
Indeed, much of the Conference call – especially the ten political points that the document highlights – has a very left-wing air. It attacks “liquidationism into social democracy and petty-bourgeois national movements.” It characterizes Stalinism as “counterrevolutionary through and through” (although at the same time it defines the states created by Stalinism as workers’ states, which must mean that Stalinists succeeded in making a working-class revolution, however deformed). It defends all national liberation movements against imperialism, and properly rejects “any formulas which imply a leadership role for bourgeois or petty-bourgeois forces.” All these are slaps in the face of the majority of pseudo-Trotskyist formations.
There are also serious problems with the WRP document. The Russian question is one, of course. The statified capitalist understanding of the USSR and similar countries is the only way to maintain Trotsky’s proletarian intransigence against counterrevolutionary reformism and Stalinism.
Another weakness is the WRP’s “reaffirmation of the Transitional Program’s demand for ‘workers’ and peasants’ government’.” This demand is tactical, used for breaking the mass of workers from their treacherous leaders in a revolutionary crisis. However, it has much more often been wielded by pseudo-Trotskyists as an after-the-fact justification for supporting popular frontist or Stalinist regimes. (See our article Myth and Reality of the Transitional Program,” in Socialist Voice No. 8). For example, the alleged “workers’ government” in Nicaragua provides the Mandelites their excuse for not advocating the creation of a Trotskyist party in that country. The WRP’s too-abstract formulation undermines the revolutionary interpretation by not specifically criticizing the opportunist alternatives.
But the fundamental misconception of the WRP is the implication that there exists a family of Trotskyism – that all those styling themselves Trotskyists, whatever crimes against Marxism they may have committed and still defend, are somehow bound together in defense of certain fundamental principles. The WRP suggests without actually saying that the Fourth International still exists: in multiple organizations if not one, in common political concepts if not a common body. In its words:
The continuity of the Fourth International has been a contradictory process, but it consists in the struggle for the continuity of Bolshevism against Stalinism, and against the liquidationist revisionism which has transmitted this Stalinist pressure into the Trotskyist movement.
But the crisis of the “Trotskyist movement” is precisely that its leading figures and organizations have not fought for Bolshevism against Stalinism. It is contradictory indeed to assert that Trotskyist continuity lies in the struggle against liquidationists and simultaneously to affirm that the liquidationists share this continuity. Such confusion is inescapable on the part of comrades who forget that in 1952 no section or leader of the International stood against the POR’s liquidationism in Bolivia. That betrayal severed the continuity of Trotskyism.
It is apparent that the WRP call reflects an opening to the left but not a clear break with the centrist milieu.

Morenoite Maneuvers

The opportunism inherent in the “family of Trotskyism” notion is underscored by the very issue of the WRP’s paper that contains the call for the International Conference. In it the WRP runs an uncritical obituary of Nahuel Moreno, the founder and leader of “Trotskyist” organizations that have wrapped themselves in the Peronist flag when not devoted to Castroism or Sandinism. (Workers Press, January 31, 1987.)
The Morenoites’ current organization, the International Workers League (LIT, its initials in Spanish) was born out of a recent split from Pierre Lambert’s right-centrist social-democratic outfit in France. It proclaims its strategy of the “revolutionary united front” with non-Trotskyists as the method of building the party – in contrast with the insistence of the WRP’s ten points on the struggle to build “revolutionary parties of the working class, sections of the Fourth International, in every country.” The Argentine section, the MAS (Movement for Socialism), was created as a bloc with centrists and “other left currents,” and its present “Trotskyist” status is questionable.
Of all the large pseudo-Trotskyist internationals, it is clear that the Morenoites’ is the one that the WRP is most entangled with in the pre-conference preparations. It had been negotiating with Moreno before his death, and the ten points appear to be an emanation of dealings between the two groups. Undoubtedly the Morenoites hope to emerge from the proposed International Conference with a bloc between themselves and the WRP on any basis whatsoever. Such a lash-up would be no more lasting than the Morenoites’ previous affair with Lambert and would make a mockery of all the high-minded principles advanced by the current WRP – but it would be perfectly consistent with Morenoite and Healyite history.
Despite its declared admiration for Moreno, the WRP does not seem to have swallowed his line. Last November, for example, there was a “Conference of Trotskyists and Revolutionary Socialists” in San Francisco addressed by representatives of the WRP and the British Mandelites. Here the Morenoites wanted the specific points to be conditions of entry into the international conference, in order to exclude Mandel’s United Secretariat (which does not favor building Trotskyist parties in all countries, namely not in Cuba and Nicaragua.) In fact, the LIT had at first wanted to exclude Mandel & Co. by fiat without troubling to find a political excuse for doing so.
The WRP, on the other hand, insisted at that time on an open conference. But in its published call the issue is smudged. “We will fight to defend and develop [the ten points] before and during the Conference,” the WRP writes, suggesting that they are not conditions of admission. However, right after the points are listed, the document extends its call for “a Conference on this basis,” implying the exact opposite and seemingly offering a concession to the Morenoites. Whatever this means, it is undeniable that the WRP is being less than forthright in its dealing with the highly maneuveristic LIT.

Murkiness from MRCI

Another intervention into the preliminary rounds of pre-Conference maneuvers is that of the Movement for a Revolutionary Communist International (MRCI) led by the British group Workers Power (WP). MRCI characterizes the Conference as an opportunity for genuine Trotskyists to confront pseudo-Trotskyist centrism, which is precisely correct. (Workers Power, January 1987.)
But it too fudges its intentions. MRCI concretizes its aims by calling for a “bloc of all those willing to combat centrism, both in theory and practice, in any such conference around a principled common declaration against the centrist distortions of Leninism and Trotskyism.” This reads like the pinnacle of Bolshevik candor except that the “centrist distortions” remain unspecified. Instead, the groups invited into the bloc are listed: the GOR of Italy, the RWP of Sri Lanka and the Bolshevik Tendency (BT) of the U.S. and Canada.
What are the unique principles shared by these groups that enables them to fight jointly against centrism? MRCI does not say. Nor can it: the BT, a Spartacist splinter, defends the armed suppression of the Polish workers in 1981 by the Jaruzelski regime – in contrast to the MRCI, the FOR and the RWP. What greater crime against Trotskyism can there be than to endorse Stalinist enslavement? If MRCI’s bloc has to embrace both sides of a civil war, no wonder the specifics of its political basis are left murky.
A revolutionary pole can only be based on a concrete revolutionary program, not an amalgamation of groups with deeply divergent politics. On the other hand, centrism by its nature uses revolutionary rhetoric to conceal reformist practice. Proposing joint political propaganda with the BT without demanding renunciation of its defense of Stalinism shows that MRCI’s “anti-centrist” bloc is itself a centrist dodge.
Further, although we would clearly not join such a bloc, it is indicative that MRCI does no challenge us to participate. Obviously MRCI is less embarrassed by a tendency soft on Stalinism than by the LRP, which supports workers’ revolution against Stalinism but considers it to be capitalist. This shows that MRCI is operating under the “family of Trotskyism” methodology in practice, even though it rejects such a view in theory.
MRCI’s centrist maneuver comes as no surprise, for Workers Power and its affiliates have ambivalent positions on key questions of proletarian independence. WP stays out of the Labour Party but – like the Cliffite SWP – invariably advocated voting for it, even when (as in 1979) Labour has been leading the bourgeois assault on the workers. It nominally favors building the revolutionary party in Britain, but in practice postpones a sharp counterposition to reformism until the moment of revolutionary crisis (see “A Powerless Answer to Reformism,” Proletarian Revolution No. 23.) For the oppressed countries similarly, it has resurrected the “anti-imperialist united front,” the Stalinist method of subordinating proletarian independence to bourgeois nationalism, from the oblivion Trotsky consigned it to in 1927.
These positions are all concessions to party liquidationism and are linked to the Pabloite deformed workers’ state theory that the MRCI shares with the other “Trotskyist” centrists. Together with its waffling over clear-cut opposition to counterrevolutionary Stalinism, this record undermines MRCI’s attempt to outflank the WRP from the left.

The Debate over Stalinism

MRCI’s openness to the BT reflects its own theoretical softness on Stalinism. Workers Power denies the WRP’s view that Stalinism is thoroughly counterrevolutionary. On the contrary, says WP, counterrevolution is only the “predominant character” of a “highly contradictory” phenomenon, because the Stalinist bureaucracy is still forced to defend “post-capitalist property relations.” (Workers Power, March 1986.) On the theoretical level if not in practice, this position is strikingly similar to that of the Spartacists and the BT.
What WP overlooks is that the bureaucracy defends nationalized property solely because it owns it; Stalinism does not defend but rather destroys the centralized (and therefore potentially planned) character of state property. Workers Power needs it theory of Stalinism as partly revolutionary because it has no other way of accounting for the Stalinist seizures of state power after World War II. According to WP, they created “degenerate workers’ states” that were never transitional to socialism (see “The Theory of Permanent Counterrevolution” in Proletarian Revolution No. 21) – a contradiction in terms and with reality.
Thus in this dispute the WRP is formally correct. For Trotsky at the very end of his life, Stalinism had moved from bureaucratic centrism to all-out counterrevolution because it was an unstable, conservative force that was setting the stage for the restoration of capitalism in the USSR. From our point of view, the restoration was completed on the eve of World War II; therefore Stalinism is counterrevolutionary because it is capitalist in the epoch of capitalist decay.
But the WRP’s superiority is purely formal, in that it leaves unexplained the Stalinist revolutions that allegedly created workers’ states by crushing the workers’ movements. In the WRP’s past, Healy (like Mandel) used his recognition of the counterrevolutionary nature of Stalinism as a means of capitulating to it: since the Chinese Communists had made a revolution, for example, that meant they were no longer Stalinist! The current WRP is looking for a way out, and has invited us to reply to a major discussion document of theirs on the post-war overturns.
The WRP’s unresolved position exposes it to the danger of abandoning the centrality of the proletarian party, a theoretical adaptation that Workers Power had already made. No wonder WP finds it impossible to avoid giving permanent electoral support to the Labour Party. Its revolutionary/counterrevolutionary theory of Stalinism is rooted in the more immediate need to see British reformism as ambivalent. This makes Workers Power downplay the immediate task of building toward the revolutionary party in counterposition to Labour.
MRCI’s professed desire to put up a fight against centrism is laudable in itself. It contrasts with what will undoubtedly be another variety of intervention at the international conference, typified by many of those at the San Francisco meeting. These groups are a variety of small fish, circling around each other to find the best vantage point for a little bite. Some are looking for a convenient excuse for fusions that hide long-lasting disputes under the table in the hope of an immediate ripoff; others are busy defending their sectarian exclusiveness despite the absence of fundamental class differences. This has nothing in common with the revolutionary method.

Our Intervention: Proletarian Independence

As it shapes up now, this conference will not lead to the re-creation of the Fourth International. But it may provide an arena for clarifying sorting out of tendencies. The key to the conference’s success is that there be a serious reconsideration of fundamental questions.
Our intervention in the international discussion will concentrate on fighting for our analysis of Stalinism, reformism and the revolutionary party. The Russian question, on which we hold so distinct a view, is central; it is in reality the question of the nature of capitalism as a whole in this epoch. We have no need, however, to make it an ultimatum. If left defensists fight consistently for revolutionary party independence, they will inevitably come to Marxist conclusions on the nature of Stalinism. We therefore challenge them to form a bloc on the party question. The struggle will prove which of us is right.
Any attempt to form a principled bloc against centrism must be based on clear concrete tests – lessons derived from the practical struggle, like those Trotsky specified in his campaign for the Fourth International in the 1930s. These must include the various ways in which “Trotskyist” centrists have chosen the wrong side of the class line on the party question. As outsiders to the defensist milieu, we hold that those who see themselves as its left wing should fight over the decisive questions that stain their tradition’s recent history, and therefore adopt the following points as the basis for their bloc.
  1. Rejection of popular-frontism, the strategy of political support to bourgeois parties and governments (even those in conflict with imperialism): no political support to even the “shadow of the bourgeoisie,” as Trotsky insisted in regard to Spain in the 1930s; no alliance with the Bolivian MNR in 1952; no coalition government in Ceylon in 1964; no political adherence to the ANC in South Africa today.
  2. Independence of the proletarian party in the struggle against imperialism: renunciation of the strategy of “anti-imperialist united fronts” as in China in 1925-28; proletarian military blocs with but no political support to the Chinese Maoists in 1949, the Cuban Castroites in 1959 and the Bonapartist Sandinista government in Nicaragua and the petty-bourgeois nationalist rebels in El Salvador today.
  3. Opposition to the liquidationist positions of “multi-vanguardism” or strategic “revolutionary united fronts” and for the construction of Trotskyist working-class parties in all countries: neither the Cuban CP nor the Nicaraguan FSLN nor the Salvadorean FDR-FMLN represent the vanguard party.
  4. Opposition to strategic entrism: no long-term entry into social-democratic or Stalinist parties as advocated and carried out by Pablo, Shactman and their followers in the 1940s and ’50s; opposition to the present-day long-term entrism into the British Labour Party, the French Socialist Party, the Australian Labor Party, etc.
  5. No permanent blocs or united fronts; no political support to social democracy: the use of all proletarian weapons, including the general strike, against social-democratic as well as conservative and liberal governments; no permanent electoral support to the mass-based reformist parties, e.g., no vote for British Labour in 1979 or the French SP in 1981; in the U.S., no support for the Democratic Party or any of its politicians even if they run as “independents.”
  6. Independent parties to carry out the proletarian revolution under Stalinism: in Hungary against the Nagy government in 1956, in Poland against the reformist Walesa leadership in 1980-81, etc. The proletarian program for a democratic centralist workers’ state against Stalinism opposes all decentralist economic schemes (including those of “self-management”).
  7. Re-founding the Fourth International on international democratic centralism: no colonialist bureaucratic facsimiles like Healy’s or the Spartacists; no petty-bourgeois decentralist, nationalist and undisciplined blocs like Mandel’s.
We challenge the WRP, the MRCI, the GOR, the RWP and all comrades who see the need to fight for a revolutionary policy against the right-wing drift to adopt such a program. The above points are by no means the full program of a revolutionary international, but their adoption would be a major step towards a principled regroupment around the most fundamental questions of our time.
The underlying logic of these points, together with a favorable development of the class struggle, would bring the defensists’ theory into sharp contradiction with their practice. Their “degenerated/deformed workers’ state” position would be on a collision course with reality and would be shattered by the impact of great events.
In particular, if they rejected the purely democratic reforms typical of most “deformed workers’ state” views and agreed with us on the need for centralism, then they would in reality be advocating a social revolution. Centralization of the Stalinist economies requires a revolutionary transformation of the system that has been in operation since the mid-1930s, an overthrow of the class relations of production.
Developments on the world political scene also give our capitalist analysis of the Stalinist system practical support. For one thing, the reforms of Gorbachev and Deng – their adoption of openly capitalist techniques to stimulate their crisis-ridden economies – call into question the notion that the Stalinist economies are in any way “post-capitalist.” For another, as our tendency has long predicted, the international balance of forces is moving away from its present position where the U.S.-USSR confrontation is central; the American ruling class’s main national enemy may soon be Japan, or West Germany, or a combination of both of them as in World War II, or a bloc of one or both of them with the USSR. The question of “defense of the USSR” would then become secondary even to defensists.
If such comrades actually conducted a theoretical and practical struggle against those whose views lead to liquidating independent Trotskyist parties into Stalinism and social democracy, they will inevitably be forced to adopt our world view, including our position that Stalinism and the Stalinist states are alien to the working class.
The fundamental link between “Trotskyist” liquidationism and Stalinism, developed in the 1940s, was the adaptation to bourgeois nationalism conducted through the medium of the mass reformist parties. Defensist comrades today who carry their fight against party liquidation to the end will have no alternative but to jettison their position that socialist revolutions can be made by anyone other than the proletariat under vanguard leadership.
It is a criminal act to construct a political cover for counterrevolution. To do so in the name of Trotskyism is unspeakable. The Fourth International will rise again out of the struggle to cleanse Bolshevism of this hideous stain.

Monday, December 3, 2012

LENIN'S WRITTINGS AND DAVID DUKE'S WRITINGS CAN SAVE THE USA FROM THE SATANIC JEWS


 




First Published: 1963-64
Source: Lenin Selected Works, Progress Publishers, Moscow, USSR, 1970.
Public Domain: Lenin Internet Archive 2005. This work is completely free.